Wednesday, April 19, 2006


PERPETUITY AND IMPERMANENCE: TO ARLIE NAVA, IN MEMORIAM
RENATO REDENTOR CONSTANTINO
ParasIndonesia.com
April 19, 2006
Business Mirror
April 20, 2006

Death is something we do not have to fear, wrote the Spanish poet Antonio Machado. "As long as we exist death doesn't, and when it does, we don't."

Of course, death is easier said than done.

Some live each day as if it were their last. Some hope and without fanfare work for the day when even the maledictions of our time will shed the malice of its makers. Some live as if they would live forever even though perpetuity never lasts.

The Roman Empire believed it was eternal. The Ottomans thought its seed would never wither. The British held that its interminable global reign was timeless.

Sure, said Gualterio Malatesta, the sinister swordsman in Arturo Perez-Reverte's novel Captain Alatriste. "Life is long -- until it ends."

What is eternity? To the lover who has just met the woman or man of his life, forever is a moment and always too short. An ant's afternoon, according to the novelist Barbara Kingsolver. It is a snapshot, or snapshots, such as the photos that line the walls of a small proud pub in Manila called The Oarhouse. The photos -- each one tremendously moving -- were shot by different Filipino photographers on the day the Arroyo administration outlawed People Power -- on February 24, 2006, also known as People Power day. The pictures tell the story of people on the streets, of power and eternal truths -- the celebration of remembrance, threats of violence; defiance; violence and blood and even more defiance. Save for a few, however, most of the pictures were not published by leading national dailies.

"Why does the fulfillment of our promise as a people always seem to be just within grasp yet forever out of reach?" Bruce Springsteen once asked. Perhaps he was speaking to Filipinos?

Springsteen would certainly be most welcome at the Oarhouse, which continues to attract its fair share of celebrities from the showbiz, political and music world. Pepe Smith nurses his beer there from time to time. So does Heber Bartolome and Elvis, who, in his most recent incarnation as a long-salt-and-pepper-haired photographer-opossum, sits nightly on the bar stools and couches to suckle on his lager. Others disagree, however, and insist that Elvis was not the being that the nocturnal creature had previously assumed but George Brown, the foreign secretary of the UK in the 1960s who is once said to have invited a guest in flowing purple robes at a reception in Peru to dance, a bop which did not materialize: "First, you are drunk," the guest is said to have replied. "Second, this is not a waltz; it is the Peruvian national anthem. And third, I am not a woman; I am the Cardinal Archbishop of Lima."

Laughter is scripture and drink holy fare at the Oar, a house of heretics frequented by a tightly knit, hardy gang of photojournalists, correspondents and quotidian denizens.

It was at the Oar that I last saw Arlie Gideon Nava, poet, storyteller, filmmaker and friend. Arlie walked past the veil of our world on April 4, 2006. He was 35.

Arlie was a quiet man with a healthy sense of humor; silence was his sonic wash. When he giggled he would share his mirth with friends. But he would keep his worries often to himself, or talk it over quietly with friends or quietly make fun of it. All the friends and members of his family I had conferred with said he was a sensitive man and that he felt acts of injustice deeply, as if these were stabs at his own heart.

"We outlast the night while we winnow alms from our amassed experience," one of Arlie's poems reminds us. "We keep watch over whatever it is we have buried in our senses / for the poetry that we craft is the engraving on the headstone / with which we will seal the grave of our foes."

Arlie is gone. He is sorely, deeply missed at the Oar. But each night that a drink is lifted in his honor -- which is virtually every night -- he is there and chuckles with the rest of us. He has merely moved on.

"I can remember how when I was young I believed death to be a phenomenon of the body," wrote William Faulkner. "Now I know it to be merely a function of the mind -- and that of the minds who suffer the bereavement. The nihilists say it is the end; the fundamentalists, the beginning; when in reality it is no more than a single tenant or family moving out of a tenement or a town."

"Do we stop the clock when death surprises us?" asked the war correspondent Robert Fisk, in his magisterial memoir, The Great War for Civilisation.

If we could I think we would.


Photo by VJ Villafranca, courtesy of www.Oarhouse.blogspot.com

NOTES:
1. Arturo Perez-Reverte, Captain Alatriste, (Plume, 2006).
2. Check out the Oarsite and more info regarding the great exhibit.
3. Bruce Springsteen, "Chords for Change," New York Times, 5 August 2004.
4. Sara Lyall "...as a rat," Bangkok Post, 14 January 2006.
5. This is an English version of Arlie's poem, my loose translation, if you will. The "you" in the original of the poem I wrote as "we" in the article so that Arlie's poem may speak, too -- or mainly -- to the reader in a way that includes the reader. Here is the original of Arlie's poem, which was displayed at his wake with his photograph: "Nadadaig mong magpuyat ang magdamag / Sinisinop ang abuloy ng naipong karanasan / Naglalamay sa anumang nakaburol na pandama / Ang paglikha mo ng tula'y pag-ukit din ng lapida / At sa puntod ng kaaway pangarap mong ipangsara."
6. William Faulkner, As I Lay Dying (1930). See William Faulkner on the Web.
7. Robert Fisk, The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East, p. 238 (NY: Alfred E. Knopf, 2005)

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Sunday, April 09, 2006


PHILIPPINES:
LEFTIST MPS AND PRESS FACE ONGOING PERSECUTION, WRITER SAYS
by Fabio Scarpello, ADN Kronos International

Manila, 4 April (AKI) - Philippines president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo declared a week-long state of emergency in February to stop an alleged military coup. While tension and emergency restrictions have since eased, writer and historian Renato Redentor Constantino believes that the Philippines is still under de-facto martial law. In an interview with Adnkronos International (AKI) Constantino, who lives in Manila, denounced continuing attacks by the Filipino government against leftist politicians and the media.

"Repressive measures continue," Constantino told AKI. "One congressman is still in prison although the judges ordered his release. Five more congressmen took refuge in the Congress," said the author. His latest book launched in March, "The Poverty of Memory: Essays on History and Empire", provides a critical and concise analysis of the history of the Philippines.

The jailed politician Constantino refers to is Crispin Beltran, a representative of the leftist party, Anakpawis. Beltran was arrested on 25 February, the day after the state of emergency was declared by Philippines president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

The state of emergency, which lasted a week, was justified by the president as a preventive measure against an alleged coup plot organized against her by a coalition of leftist and rightist elements as well as the armed forces.

Beltran was accused of being part of the plot and is still in jail even though a judge ordered his release on 12 March. He was due to appear in court on Monday, but the arraignment was postponed after his lawyers filed a motion to quash the sedition charges against him. Reports say he will remain in police custody for another month.

"The police excuse is that there is a charge against him dating back to the time of Marcos," said Constantino. Marcos was removed from power by the "people power" movements in February 1986.

Besides Beltran, another five members of congress, all representatives of the left wing parties, have been accused of involvement in the alleged coup.

The five - Satur Ocampo, Teodoro Casino, and Joel Virador of the Bayan Muna party, Liza Maza, a representative of the Gabriela party, and Rafael Mariano of Anakpawis - have up until now resisted arrest by taking refuge in the building of the House of Representatives.

Known collectively as the "Batasan 5", the name of building where they have taken refuge, the five members of Congress, left for the first time, for a few hours, on 23 March, when they appeared in front of a court to hear the accusations of rebellion presented against them.

Besides politicians, the media have also been targeted and according to Constantino, the media are in a precarious situation and under attack on two fronts. He particularly highlighted the case of The Daily Tribune, a pro-opposition publication, which was temporarily shut down during the seven days of the state of emergency. Even if the government has more or less said that it will not force the closure of other newspapers, the pressure and the threats continue.

"What they did to the Tribune is extremely serious," said Constantino. "You can say that I will not shoot again but the first bullet has been fired and the damage is done," said Constantino.

President Arroyo has explicitly called on the media for "restrain" and the police, recently requested the authorization for an incursion into the offices of the "Philippines Centre for Investigative Journalism", an organization of independent journalists known for many investigative reports particularly on the subject of corruption. The permission was denied by two judges but the request increased the anxiety in media in Manila.

"The government is encouraging self-censorship," said Constantino. "All of this while the Philippines have the world's highest rate of journalists murdered. Killed by warlords or politicians or whoever else - but the bottom line is that it is done with impunity," he said.

According to the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, Graciano Aquino, a journalist from the Central Luzon Forum who died on 21 January is the second and up until now, the last journalist killed in 2006 in the Philippines.

2005 was a particularly violent year for the Philippines media, with 12 journalists killed. Since the fall of Marcos in 1986, 77 members of the media have been killed. Since president Arroyo came to power in January 2001, a total of 41 journalists have been assassinated. #

Click here for Fabio Scarpello's website.
Photo by Abi Jabines, 2006
View original AKI story here.

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Friday, April 07, 2006






INTRODUCING RED's FAMILY:

Tadaaaaa....

The first pic shows Luna with probably something sneaky on her mind; her mom thoughts are somewhere far away... (nice shirt Kala...)

Next to that is the one with Rio in front holding the yellow alien he won recently in a water shoot-out contest (Rio was also the chess champion in the elementary school intramurals and was given a gold medal today. Yeyey!). Kala is at the back, holding a seemingly bored Luna.

Then there's Kala in Capadoccia, Turkey. Behind her is what is called the 'Mother and Child' rock formation. Can you see it?

The nexy photo is Luna on her new bike, which was her birthday present when she turned three last November. The little girl is obviously pleased... She's been scooting around like a jeepney driver ever since. The picture was taken at Dada Ming's (Red's grandmother) place.

The fifth and last photo is at the grocery showing Rio reading one of the works of Bill Watterson (his tatay's greatest influence). Tatay is reading what he hopes would one day be among Rio's faves, a book - any book - by Asimov...

Comments, questions, replies -- email dem at redcosmo(at)gmail(dot)com.

Warm regards folks.

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Thursday, April 06, 2006


NARRATIVES OF INCARCERATION
RENATO REDENTOR CONSTANTINO
ParasIndonesia.com
April 4, 2006

Have you asked yourself lately, for whom the bells toll? The prism of prison has more than four walls.

"No nation is exempt from the demands of human dignity," said US president George W. Bush. "Everybody desires to be free; embedded in the soul of each man and woman on the face of the Earth is this deep desire to live in liberty." Three decades from now, said the head of the star-spangled country, "people are going to look back at this moment and say, thank goodness a generation of Americans stood up and said, we have faith in democracy."

Easy to stand up; a little harder to be free.

Today, America has more people locked up compared to any other country in the world -- half a million more than China, in fact, which has a population five times greater than the US. "No other society in human history," said the American organization California Prison Focus, "has imprisoned so many of its own citizens." Studies "reveal that the United States holds 25 percent of the world's prison population but only five percent of the world's people."

How do we free thee? Let us count the ways. In 1972, there were 300,000 inmates in America. By the year 2000, the number had risen to two million. A decade ago, "there were only five private prisons in the country with a population of 2,000 inmates." Today, the five have become 100, with 62,000 prisoners.

The war against freedom is good business: in the US, "the prison industry complex is one of the fastest growing industries." It has "its own trade exhibitions, conventions, websites and mail-order and internet catalogs. It also has advertising campaigns, architecture companies, construction companies and investment houses in Wall Street." It has plumbing supply firms and food supply enterprises and "padded cells in a wide variety of colors."

Imperial synergy at its best: America's federal prison industry "produces 100 percent of all military helmets, ammunition belts, bullet-proof vests, ID tags, shirts, pants, tents, bags and canteens. Along with war supplies, prison workers supply 98 percent of the entire market for equipment assembly services; 93 percent of paints and paintbrushes; 92 percent of stove assembly; 46 percent of body armor; 36 percent of home appliances; 30 percent of headphones, microphones and speakers; and 21 percent of office furniture."

Define delusion: a penal complex?

"The victory of the centrist sensibility marks the end of Israel's extravagant dreams," wrote Yossie Klein Halevi in the Los Angeles Times on March 29. The state created to shelter a people fleeing from genocide is now helmed by the Kadima Party and its main representative, Ehud Olmert, who celebrated his party's victory with crowds chanting "Ehud! King of Israel" and gigantic pictures of Ariel Sharon, a comatose war criminal, serving as his backdrop.

The Kadima Party and Olmert, who aims to annex "more than half of the West Bank," now represents the 'center' in a country continuously riven by violence and driven by the brawn of agendas premised on Palestinian dispossession. None of the major parties that participated in Israel's elections mentioned the word 'peace' during the electoral campaign. But no need to be alarmed, wrote Halevi, a senior fellow of the Shalem Center in Jerusalem; far from it: peace is an extravagance that Israel has evicted -- it is "a sign of the country's maturation."

Who else is 'mature'? Not a Filipino called Julius Mariveles, the news director of Aksyon Radyo-Bacolod, which broadcasts from the province of Negros Occidental. For his commitment to his calling, Mariveles has been openly targeted by the military as an enemy of the state. A small band of unrepentant 'juvenile' journalists dedicated to their mission and craft have protested the threatened liquidation of Mariveles. Aside from them, too many have preferred the comforts of silence.

Today in the Philippines, "never again" has become "we have to move on." Because, really now, who cares? Journalists have become such a noisy, disruptive lot. I heard some of them are even on the take. Maybe Mariveles brought it upon himself. Maybe Mariveles is really a Leftist. I'm not even from Negros. I'm not a journalist. I don't like bearers of bad news. One night, not too long ago, with similar excuses in tow, a people happily walked into the prison of illusions. The next morning they woke up captives of the dictator named Marcos.

"It is possible," wrote the novelist Barbara Kingsolver, "to move away from a vast unbearable pain by delving into it deeper and deeper." It is much like "diving into a wreck" the writer tells us, borrowing the words of Adrienne Rich. "You can look at all the parts of a terrible thing," wrote Kingsolver as she described the process of grief, "until you see that they're assemblies of smaller parts, all of which you can name, and some of which you can heal or alter, and finally the terror that seemed unbearable becomes manageable."

But what of the sorrows that refuse to be named? What of the ruins that have increasingly come to define us?


Email the writer what you think: redcosmo(at)gmail(dot)com

NOTES TO THE ESSAY:
1. "President Bush discusses democracy with Freedom House," Freedom House press release, 20 March 2006. See: http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=70&release=349
2. Vicky Pelaez, "U.S. prison industry: big business or a new form of slavery?" San Francisco Bayview, 8 March 2006. See: http://www.sfbayview.com/030806/usprison030806.shtml. The story was originally published in El Diario-La Prensa, New York.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Yossi Klein Halevi, "Israel's politics of dreams," Los Angeles Times, 29 March 2006. See: http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-halevi29mar29,0,676435.story?coll=la-home-commentary
7. "Olmert celebrates victory," News24.com-South Africa, 29 March 2006. See: http://www.news24.com/News24/World/News/0,,2-10-1462_1906859,00.html
8. Uri Avnery, "Four-letter word," The Palestine Chronicle, 14 March 2006. See http://www.palestinechronicle.com/story.php?sid=031406212544
9. Ibid. 6.
10. "We will defend our rights," Article 3 Alliance press statement, 31 March 2006. See: http://nujp.org/?p=118. The Article 3 alliance counts the Negros Press Club, Congress of Active Media Practitioners, COBRA-ANS, Media Advocates for Reproductive Health and Empowerment, Negros Media Council for Press Freedom and more than a hundred individual journalists
11. Barbara Kingsolver, Small Wonder (New York, Perennial, 2003)


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